Main » 2008 » Tháng Mười Hai » 13 » Trung Quốc: Hiến Chương 08
5:15 AM Trung Quốc: Hiến Chương 08 |
Ngô Nhân Dụng
 | | Nhà văn Lưu Hiểu Ba (Liu Xiaobo) |
Nhóm
trí thức này gồm các kỹ sư, thi sĩ, luật sư, thương gia, nhà văn, ký
giả, vân vân, họ kêu gọi sửa đổi hiến pháp Trung Quốc, bỏ chế độ độc
đảng để thi hành một chế độ dân chủ thật sự. Chúng ta sẽ thấy bản hiến
chương này chứa đựng đủ những gì mà người Việt Nam cũng mong mỏi.
Thí
dụ, bản hiến chương đề nghị guồng máy nhà nước phải phi chính trị.
Không đảng nào được phép tổ chức chi bộ chính trị trong hàng ngũ quân
đội. Việc thăng thưởng trong quân đội và trong công chức không được dựa
vào đảng chính trị nào. Chế độ hiện nay ưu đãi các đảng viên cộng sản
trong việc thăng thưởng phải chấm dứt. Về hình luật, phải bãi bỏ tội
danh “xúi giục lật đổ nhà nước” là một thứ tội mà đảng Cộng Sản gán cho
tất cả mọi người dân muốn lên tiếng khi bị oan ức. Ðây là những lời yêu
cầu cụ thể mà người dân Trung Hoa có thể hiểu và hưởng ứng.
Trong phạm vi kinh tế, bản hiến chương yêu cầu phải bảo vệ quyền tư hữu
(như đảng Cộng Sản đã sửa hiến pháp để ghi vào) nhưng đặc biệt là trả
cho nông dân quyền làm chủ ruộng đất. Dân được tự do mua bán ruộng đất.
Phải bãi bỏ chế độ hộ khẩu đang ưu đãi dân thành thị và đẩy các nông
dân xuống hạng nhì, tạo thêm bất công xã hội.
Những lời yêu cầu này nhắm đúng một vấn đề trầm trọng mà đảng Cộng Sản
Trung Quốc đang lo đối phó. Ðó là con số hàng triệu “lưu dân” từ nông
thôn lên thành phố làm việc, nhiều người đang bị thất nghiệp, trở về
quê cũng không có việc làm. Cơn suy thoái kinh tế toàn cầu khiến tỷ lệ
phát triển của Trung Quốc đang từ 9 và trên 10% sẽ tụt xuống còn 5 tới
6% trong mấy tháng nay, hàng xuất cảng từ Trung Quốc đang tụt giảm vì
nhu cầu xuống khắp nơi. Khi kinh tế xuống, các lưu dân là những người
thất nghiệp đầu tiên.
 | Học giả Trương Tổ Hoa (Zhang Zuhua)
|
Trong
lục địa có khoảng 130 triệu nông dân trôi nổi như vậy. Khi lên thành
phố họ không có hộ khẩu nên không được hưởng gì về y tế, giáo dục, xã
hội; việc làm của họ không cố định, và khi kinh tế xuống thì họ là
những người bị đuổi đầu tiên. Hiện Cộng Sản Bắc Kinh đang cho công an
canh 24/24 ở các nhà ga xe lửa đếm số lưu dân mất việc quay về, để đo
lường mức trầm trọng của khối lượng người đông đảo này. Nhiều cuộc biểu
tình bạo động của công nhân đã diễn ra ở các thành phố. Những công nhân
trở về quê đều được công an mời “làm việc” liên tục để dễ kiểm soát.
Nhưng các tác giả Hiến Chương 08 không nhắm khích động các đám công
nhân này. Họ đặt ra những vấn đề căn bản về tương lai Trung Quốc.
Trong lời nói đầu họ đặt câu hỏi: “Trung Quốc sẽ đi về đâu trong thế kỷ
21? Sẽ tiếp tục công cuộc hiện đại hóa dưới chế độ độc tài, hay sẽ chấp
nhận những giá trị nhân bản phổ quát, gia nhập dòng chính của các quốc
gia văn minh và xây dựng một thể chế dân chủ?”
Các tác giả nhắc tới những cuộc vận động dân chủ ngay trong lòng chế độ
cộng sản trước đây. Vì năm nay là kỷ niệm 30 năm bức tường Dân Chủ ở
Bắc Kinh, 2 năm sau khi Mao Trạch Ðông chết; và năm tới sẽ kỷ niệm 20
năm cuộc “thảm sát Thiên An Môn” (chữ dùng trong nguyên văn) giết các
sinh viên đòi dân chủ. Trở lại 100 năm trước, bản hiến chương trình bày
lại quá trình lịch sử nước Trung Hoa từ khi bị Tây Phương lấn áp, cuộc
cách mạng Tân Hợi 1911 khi Trung Quốc đã viết bản hiến pháp đầu tiên,
cuộc cách mạng tư tưởng Ngũ Tứ Vận Ðộng đề cao tinh thần khoa học và
dân chủ. “Chiến thắng đối với Nhật Bản năm 1945 là một cơ hội để Trung
Quốc tiến tới trên một chính phủ hiện đại, nhưng đảng Cộng Sản đã đánh
bại Quốc Dân Ðảng trong cuộc nội chiến và đưa quốc gia vào hố thẳm độc
tài toàn trị.”
Hiến Chương 08 đưa ra 6 nguyên tắc căn bản để xây dựng nước Trung Hoa
mới. Trước hết là Tự Do, một quyền căn bản của con người. Ngoài các
quyền tự do ngôn luận, hội họp, tuyển cử, các tác giả nhắc tới quyền tự
do phản kháng, đình công, biểu tình. Nhân Quyền là nguyên tắc thứ nhì,
mà những thảm kịch trên đất nước Trung Hoa gần đây đều vì người cầm
quyền không tôn trọng nhân quyền của dân. Sau nguyên tắc Bình Ðẳng, bản
hiến chương đề cao chủ trương Cộng Hòa, trong đó các quyền hành của
chính phủ phải được phân chia để các quyền lợi khác biệt đều được tôn
trọng. Các tác giả cho rằng đó cũng là một truyền thống chính trị
“Thiên hạ bình đẳng” của người Trung Hoa.
Nguyên tắc thứ năm là Dân Chủ, nhấn mạnh: Quyền lực chính trị do dân
trao phó, do dân lựa chọn. Các chức vụ nắm quyền phải qua những cuộc
bầu cử tự do định kỳ. Ngoài ra nhân quyền của những người thiểu số được
tôn trọng. Muốn vậy, cần nguyên tắc thứ sáu là Hiến Trị. Việc cai trị
phải đặt trên hiến pháp và luật pháp để bảo vệ các quyền tự do của dân
và hạn chế quyền của nhà nước.
Sau khi nêu các nguyên tắc như trên, Hiến Chương 08 đưa ra những lập trường mà các nhà trí thức cổ võ trước nhân dân Trung Hoa.
Ðòi hỏi đầu tiên là sửa hiến pháp Trung Quốc, bãi bỏ những khoản nào
ngược lại với quy tắc quyền hành thuộc về dân chúng. Bản hiến pháp phải
thể hiện việc phân quyền, lập pháp, tư pháp và hành pháp rõ ràng, cũng
như phân bạch quyền hành của trung ương để họ không lấn áp các địa
phương. Quốc hội phải được bầu trực tiếp. Quyền Tư pháp phải độc lập,
thiết lập một tòa án Tối Cao Bảo Hiến. Phải dần dần bãi bỏ những cơ cấu
đang cho phép đảng Cộng Sản can thiệp vào tòa án.
Một yêu cầu quan trọng của Hiến Chương 08 là “Lực lượng quân sự chịu
trách nhiệm trước quốc gia chứ không phải tuân theo lệnh một đảng chính
trị.” Các quân nhân phải phi chính trị.
Muốn bảo đảm quyền làm người, hệ thống cải tạo lao động hiện nay phải
chấm dứt. Dân được bầu trực tiếp chức vụ các cấp trong guồng máy chính
quyền, từ thị xã, quận, tỉnh và quốc gia. Những quyền tự do hội họp, tự
do lập hội, tự do phát biểu, là những điều yêu cầu khác. Trên mặt tôn
giáo, Hiến Chương 08 yêu cầu “Bãi bỏ hệ thống hiện nay bắt buộc các
nhóm tôn giáo (và nơi thờ phượng của họ) phải được chính quyền chấp
thuận trước khi hoạt động; thay vào đó tín đồ các tôn giáo phải được
phép hoạt động và chỉ ghi danh với chính quyền nếu chính họ muốn như
vậy, và họ có quyền ghi danh không ai được từ chối.”
Ðây là một lời yêu cầu chính đáng mà người nước ta cũng cần đặt ra với
đảng Cộng Sản. Trên thế giới văn minh, các tôn giáo đều được tự do, chỉ
cần sống trong khuôn khổ luật lệ quốc gia. Chỉ có các nước độc tài toàn
trị mới có chế độ bắt các hoạt động tôn giáo phải xin phép trước, như
luật ở Việt Nam cấm không được nói chuyện tôn giáo trong nhà người
khác! Chế độ toàn trị không những làm dân mất tự do mà còn giết người
vì những chính sách sai lầm nữa.
Hiến Chương 08 nhận xét “Ðảng Cộng Sản đã kiểm soát tất cả các cơ quan
nhà nước, và tất cả các tài nguyên chính trị, kinh tế, xã hội” từ năm
1949 đến nay. Chế độ toàn trị đó đưa tới những “thảm trạng” như chiến
dịch Chống Hữu Phái (1957), Bước Nhẩy Vọt (1958-60), Cách mạng Văn hóa
(1966 - 1969) và cuộc Thảm Sát Thiên An Môn (1989). Trong những thảm
trạng do chế độ cộng sản gây ra đó, hàng chục triệu người dân Trung Hoa
đã thiệt mạng và mấy thế hệ trải qua cảnh “những quyền sống hạnh phúc,
tự do, và nhân phẩm của họ bị trà đạp.” Cuộc cải cách kinh tế của Cộng
Sản Trung Quốc đã trả lại một phần các quyền tự do cho dân, nhưng trên
thực tế chính trị thì “Trung Quốc có rất nhiều luật nhưng không cai trị
bằng luật (pháp trị), có một bản hiến pháp nhưng chính quyền không theo
hiến pháp. Giới quyền quý bám lấy quyền độc đoán của họ nên chống lại
tất cả các đòi hỏi thay đổi.”
Hậu quả của tính chất độc tài đó là tham nhũng, tư bản bè phái, suy đồi
đạo lý, xã hội bất công vì hố ngăn cách giữa người nghèo người giầu
ngày càng rộng. Một điều đáng lo là người dân cảm thấy tuyệt vọng sẽ
nổi loạn.
Ðầu năm 1977 hơn hai trăm nhà trí thức xứ Tiệp Khắc, trong đó có Vaclav
Havel đã soạn Hiến Chương 77. Mười ba năm sau nước Tiệp Khắc được giải
phóng, và hiện là hai quốc gia Czech và Slovakia kinh tế đã phát triển
và sống trong tự do dân chủ. Bao giờ nước Trung Hoa mới có một cuộc
“Cách mạng Nhung” như vậy? Khi Bắc Kinh thay đổi thì Hà Nội sẽ phải
theo.
Ngô Nhân Dụng
Nguồn: Người Việt Online
English translation of Charter 08
(Chinese Human Rights Defenders, December 10, 2008)– A group of Chinese
citizens launched Charter 08 (零八宪章) to mark the International Human
Rights Day and the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights. This English translation of Charter 08, authorized by its
drafters, is now available on the website of New York Review of Books
(NYRB). CHRD has obtained the permission of NYRB to include the full
text of the translation in this press release.
One signatory to the Charter, Liu Xiaobo (刘晓波), a prominent dissident
intellectual， remains in police custody after he was taken away from
his home on October 8. Another signatory and main author of Charter 08,
Zhang Zuhua (张祖桦), was interrogated for 12 hours and released yesterday
morning. On December 9 Jiang Qisheng (江棋生), a scientist， was
questioned for signing the Charter. Also on December 9, Pu Zhiqiang
(浦志强), another signatory to the Charter and a Beijing lawyer, was
closely followed and his movement restricted by the police.
CHRD believes that Liu is detained solely for peacefully exercising his
freedom of expression. CHRD asks the international community to raise
concerns about Liu‘s arbitrary detention and demand his immediate
release.
Charter 08
Translated from the Chinese by Perry Link
The document below, signed by over three hundred prominent Chinese
citizens, was conceived and written in conscious admiration of the
founding of Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, where, in January 1977, more
than two hundred Czech and Slovak intellectuals formed a
loose, informal, and open association of people…… united by the will to
strive individually and collectively for respect for human and civil
rights in our country and throughout the world.
The Chinese document calls not for ameliorative reform of the current
political system but for an end to some of its essential features,
including one-party rule, and their replacement with a system based on
human rights and democracy.
The prominent citizens who have signed the document are from both
outside and inside the government, and include not only well-known
dissidents and intellectuals, but also middle-level officials and rural
leaders. They have chosen December 10, the anniversary of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, as the day on which to express their
political ideas and to outline their vision of a constitutional,
democratic China. They intend “Charter 08” to serve as a blueprint for
fundamental political change in China in the years to come. The signers
of the document will form an informal group, open-ended in size but
united by a determination to promote democratization and protection of
human rights in China and beyond.
On December 8 two prominent signers of the Charter, Zhang Zuhua and Liu
Xiaobo, were detained by the police. Zhang Zuhua has since been
released; as of December 9, Liu Xiabo remains in custody.
I. Foreword
A hundred years have passed since the writing of China‘s first
constitution. 2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the
promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the
thirtieth anniversary of the appearance of Democracy Wall in Beijing,
and the tenth of China’s signing of the International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights. We are approaching the twentieth anniversary of
the 1989 Tiananmen massacre of pro-democracy student protesters. The
Chinese people, who have endured human rights disasters and uncountable
struggles across these same years, now include many who see clearly
that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values of
humankind and that democracy and constitutional government are the
fundamental framework for protecting these values.
By departing from these values, the Chinese government's approach
to“modernization” has proven disastrous. It has stripped people of
their rights, destroyed their dignity, and corrupted normal human
intercourse. So we ask: Where is China headed in the twenty-first
century? Will it continue with “modernization” under authoritarian
rule, or will it embrace universal human values, join the mainstream of
civilized nations, and build a democratic system? There can be no
avoiding these questions.
The shock of the Western impact upon China in the nineteenth century
laid bare a decadent authoritarian system and marked the beginning of
what is often called “the greatest changes in thousands of years” for
China. A “self-strengthening movement” followed, but this aimed simply
at appropriating the technology to build gunboats and other Western
material objects. China‘s humiliating naval defeat at the hands of
Japan in 1895 only confirmed the obsolescence of China’s system of
government. The first attempts at modern political change came with the
ill-fated summer of reforms in 1898, but these were cruelly crushed by
ultraconservatives at China‘s imperial court. With the revolution of
1911, which inaugurated Asia’s first republic， the authoritarian
imperial system that had lasted for centuries was finally supposed to
have been laid to rest. But social conflict inside our country and
external pressures were to prevent it; China fell into a patchwork of
warlord fiefdoms and the new republic became a fleeting dream.
The failure of both “self-strengthening” and political renovation
caused many of our forebears to reflect deeply on whether a“cultural
illness”was afflicting our country. This mood gave rise, during the May
Fourth Movement of the late 1910s, to the championing of“science and
democracy.”Yet that effort, too, foundered as warlord chaos persisted
and the Japanese invasion [beginning in Manchuria in 1931] brought
national crisis.
Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move
toward modern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists
in the civil war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism.
The“new China”that emerged in 1949 proclaimed that“the people are
sovereign” but in fact set up a system in which “the Party is
all-powerful. "The Communist Party of China seized control of all
organs of the state and all political, economic, and social resources,
and, using these, has produced a long trail of human rights disasters,
including, among many others, the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957), the
Great Leap Forward （1958–1960）， the Cultural Revolution （1966–1969），
the June Fourth （Tiananmen Square） Massacre （1989）， and the current
repression of all unauthorized religions and the suppression of the
weiquan rights movement [a movement that aims to defend citizens‘rights
promulgated in the Chinese Constitution and to fight for human rights
recognized by international conventions that the Chinese government has
signed]. During all this， the Chinese people have paid a gargantuan
price. Tens of millions have lost their lives， and several generations
have seen their freedom， their happiness， and their human dignity
cruelly trampled.
During the last two decades of the twentieth century the government
policy of“Reform and Opening”gave the Chinese people relief from the
pervasive poverty and totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era and brought
substantial increases in the wealth and living standards of many
Chinese as well as a partial restoration of economic freedom and
economic rights. Civil society began to grow， and popular calls for
more rights and more political freedom have grown apace. As the ruling
elite itself moved toward private ownership and the market economy， it
began to shift from an outright rejection of“rights”to a partial
acknowledgment of them.
In 1998 the Chinese government signed two important international human
rights conventions； in 2004 it amended its constitution to include the
phrase“respect and protect human rights”； and this year， 2008， it has
promised to promote a“national human rights action plan.”Unfortunately
most of this political progress has extended no further than the paper
on which it is written. The political reality， which is plain for
anyone to see， is that China has many laws but no rule of law； it has a
constitution but no constitutional government. The ruling elite
continues to cling to its authoritarian power and fights off any move
toward political change.
The stultifying results are endemic official corruption， an undermining
of the rule of law， weak human rights， decay in public ethics， crony
capitalism， growing inequality between the wealthy and the poor，
pillage of the natural environment as well as of the human and
historical environments， and the exacerbation of a long list of social
conflicts， especially， in recent times， a sharpening animosity between
officials and ordinary people.
As these conflicts and crises grow ever more intense， and as the ruling
elite continues with impunity to crush and to strip away the rights of
citizens to freedom， to property， and to the pursuit of happiness， we
see the powerless in our society—the vulnerable groups， the people who
have been suppressed and monitored， who have suffered cruelty and even
torture， and who have had no adequate avenues for their protests， no
courts to hear their pleas—becoming more militant and raising the
possibility of a violent conflict of disastrous proportions. The
decline of the current system has reached the point where change is no
longer optional.
II. Our Fundamental Principles
This is a historic moment for China， and our future hangs in the
balance. In reviewing the political modernization process of the past
hundred years or more， we reiterate and endorse basic universal values
as follows：
Freedom. Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of
speech， freedom of the press， freedom of assembly， freedom of
association， freedom in where to live， and the freedoms to strike， to
demonstrate， and to protest， among others， are the forms that freedom
takes. Without freedom， China will always remain far from civilized
ideals.
Human rights. Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is
born with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists
for the protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of
state power must be authorized by the people. The succession of
political disasters in China‘s recent history is a direct consequence
of the ruling regime’s disregard for human rights.
Equality. The integrity， dignity， and freedom of every
person—regardless of social station， occupation， sex， economic
condition， ethnicity， skin color， religion， or political belief—are the
same as those of any other. Principles of equality before the law and
equality of social， economic， cultural， civil， and political rights
must be upheld.
Republicanism. Republicanism， which holds that power should be balanced
among different branches of government and competing interests should
be served， resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal
of“fairness in all under heaven.”It allows different interest groups
and social assemblies， and people with a variety of cultures and
beliefs， to exercise democratic self-government and to deliberate in
order to reach peaceful resolution of public questions on a basis of
equal access to government and free and fair competition.
Democracy. The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the
people are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy
has these characteristics： （1） Political power begins with the people
and the legitimacy of a regime derives from the people. （2） Political
power is exercised through choices that the people make. （3） The
holders of major official posts in government at all levels are
determined through periodic competitive elections. （4） While honoring
the will of the majority， the fundamental dignity， freedom， and human
rights of minorities are protected. In short， democracy is a modern
means for achieving government truly“of the people， by the people， and
for the people.”
Constitutional rule. Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system
and legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a
constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of
citizens， limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government
power， and providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve
these ends.
III. What We Advocate
Authoritarianism is in general decline throughout the world； in China，
too， the era of emperors and overlords is on the way out. The time is
arriving everywhere for citizens to be masters of states. For China the
path that leads out of our current predicament is to divest ourselves
of the authoritarian notion of reliance on an“enlightened overlord”or
an“honest official”and to turn instead toward a system of liberties，
democracy， and the rule of law， and toward fostering the consciousness
of modern citizens who see rights as fundamental and participation as a
duty. Accordingly， and in a spirit of this duty as responsible and
constructive citizens， we offer the following recommendations on
national governance， citizens‘rights， and social development：
1. A New Constitution. We should recast our present constitution，
rescinding its provisions that contradict the principle that
sovereignty resides with the people and turning it into a document that
genuinely guarantees human rights， authorizes the exercise of public
power， and serves as the legal underpinning of China‘s democratization.
The constitution must be the highest law in the land， beyond violation
by any individual， group， or political party.
2. Separation of powers. We should construct a modern government in
which the separation of legislative， judicial， and executive power is
guaranteed. We need an Administrative Law that defines the scope of
government responsibility and prevents abuse of administrative power.
Government should be responsible to taxpayers. Division of power
between provincial governments and the central government should adhere
to the principle that central powers are only those specifically
granted by the constitution and all other powers belong to the local
governments.
3. Legislative democracy. Members of legislative bodies at all levels
should be chosen by direct election， and legislative democracy should
observe just and impartial principles.
4. An Independent Judiciary. The rule of law must be above the
interests of any particular political party and judges must be
independent. We need to establish a constitutional supreme court and
institute procedures for constitutional review. As soon as possible， we
should abolish all of the Committees on Political and Legal Affairs
that now allow Communist Party officials at every level to decide
politically-sensitive cases in advance and out of court. We should
strictly forbid the use of public offices for private purposes.
5. Public Control of Public Servants. The military should be made
answerable to the national government， not to a political party， and
should be made more professional. Military personnel should swear
allegiance to the constitution and remain nonpartisan. Political party
organizations shall be prohibited in the military. All public officials
including police should serve as nonpartisans， and the current practice
of favoring one political party in the hiring of public servants must
end.
6. Guarantee of Human Rights. There shall be strict guarantees of human
rights and respect for human dignity. There should be a Human Rights
Committee， responsible to the highest legislative body， that will
prevent the government from abusing public power in violation of human
rights. A democratic and constitutional China especially must guarantee
the personal freedom of citizens. No one shall suffer illegal arrest，
detention， arraignment， interrogation， or punishment. The system
of“Reeducation through Labor”must be abolished.
7. Election of Public Officials. There shall be a comprehensive system
of democratic elections based on“one person， one vote.”The direct
election of administrative heads at the levels of county， city，
province， and nation should be systematically implemented. The rights
to hold periodic free elections and to participate in them as a citizen
are inalienable.
8. Rural–Urban Equality. The two-tier household registry system must be
abolished. This system favors urban residents and harms rural
residents. We should establish instead a system that gives every
citizen the same constitutional rights and the same freedom to choose
where to live.
9. Freedom to Form Groups. The right of citizens to form groups must be
guaranteed. The current system for registering nongovernment groups，
which requires a group to be“approved，”should be replaced by a system
in which a group simply registers itself. The formation of political
parties should be governed by the constitution and the laws， which
means that we must abolish the special privilege of one party to
monopolize power and must guarantee principles of free and fair
competition among political parties.
10. Freedom to Assemble. The constitution provides that peaceful
assembly， demonstration， protest， and freedom of expression are
fundamental rights of a citizen. The ruling party and the government
must not be permitted to subject these to illegal interference or
unconstitutional obstruction.
11. Freedom of Expression. We should make freedom of speech， freedom of
the press， and academic freedom universal， thereby guaranteeing that
citizens can be informed and can exercise their right of political
supervision. These freedoms should be upheld by a Press Law that
abolishes political restrictions on the press. The provision in the
current Criminal Law that refers to“the crime of incitement to subvert
state power”must be abolished. We should end the practice of viewing
words as crimes.
12. Freedom of Religion. We must guarantee freedom of religion and
belief and institute a separation of religion and state. There must be
no governmental interference in peaceful religious activities. We
should abolish any laws， regulations， or local rules that limit or
suppress the religious freedom of citizens. We should abolish the
current system that requires religious groups （and their places of
worship） to get official approval in advance and substitute for it a
system in which registry is optional and， for those who choose to
register， automatic.
13. Civic Education. In our schools we should abolish political
curriculums and examinations that are designed to indoctrinate students
in state ideology and to instill support for the rule of one party. We
should replace them with civic education that advances universal values
and citizens‘rights， fosters civic consciousness， and promotes civic
virtues that serve society.
14. Protection of Private Property. We should establish and protect the
right to private property and promote an economic system of free and
fair markets. We should do away with government monopolies in commerce
and industry and guarantee the freedom to start new enterprises. We
should establish a Committee on State-Owned Property， reporting to the
national legislature， that will monitor the transfer of state-owned
enterprises to private ownership in a fair， competitive， and orderly
manner. We should institute a land reform that promotes private
ownership of land， guarantees the right to buy and sell land， and
allows the true value of private property to be adequately reflected in
the market.
15. Financial and Tax Reform. We should establish a democratically
regulated and accountable system of public finance that ensures the
protection of taxpayer rights and that operates through legal
procedures. We need a system by which public revenues that belong to a
certain level of government—central， provincial， county or local—are
controlled at that level. We need major tax reform that will abolish
any unfair taxes， simplify the tax system， and spread the tax burden
fairly. Government officials should not be able to raise taxes， or
institute new ones， without public deliberation and the approval of a
democratic assembly. We should reform the ownership system in order to
encourage competition among a wider variety of market participants.
16. Social Security. We should establish a fair and adequate social
security system that covers all citizens and ensures basic access to
education， health care， retirement security， and employment.
17. Protection of the Environment. We need to protect the natural
environment and to promote development in a way that is sustainable and
responsible to our descendents and to the rest of humanity. This means
insisting that the state and its officials at all levels not only do
what they must do to achieve these goals， but also accept the
supervision and participation of non-governmental organizations.
18. A Federated Republic. A democratic China should seek to act as a
responsible major power contributing toward peace and development in
the Asian Pacific region by approaching others in a spirit of equality
and fairness. In Hong Kong and Macao， we should support the freedoms
that already exist. With respect to Taiwan， we should declare our
commitment to the principles of freedom and democracy and then，
negotiating as equals， and ready to compromise， seek a formula for
peaceful unification. We should approach disputes in the
national-minority areas of China with an open mind， seeking ways to
find a workable framework within which all ethnic and religious groups
can flourish. We should aim ultimately at a federation of democratic
communities of China.
19. Truth in Reconciliation. We should restore the reputations of all
people， including their family members， who suffered political stigma
in the political campaigns of the past or who have been labeled as
criminals because of their thought， speech， or faith. The state should
pay reparations to these people. All political prisoners and prisoners
of conscience must be released. There should be a Truth Investigation
Commission charged with finding the facts about past injustices and
atrocities， determining responsibility for them， upholding justice，
and， on these bases， seeking social reconciliation.
China， as a major nation of the world， as one of five permanent members
of the United Nations Security Council， and as a member of the UN
Council on Human Rights， should be contributing to peace for humankind
and progress toward human rights. Unfortunately， we stand today as the
only country among the major nations that remains mired in
authoritarian politics. Our political system continues to produce human
rights disasters and social crises， thereby not only constricting
China‘s own development but also limiting the progress of all of human
civilization. This must change， truly it must. The democratization of
Chinese politics can be put off no longer.
Accordingly， we dare to put civic spirit into practice by announcing
Charter 08. We hope that our fellow citizens who feel a similar sense
of crisis， responsibility， and mission， whether they are inside the
government or not， and regardless of their social status， will set
aside small differences to embrace the broad goals of this
citizens‘movement. Together we can work for major changes in Chinese
society and for the rapid establishment of a free， democratic， and
constitutional country. We can bring to reality the goals and ideals
that our people have incessantly been seeking for more than a hundred
years， and can bring a brilliant new chapter to Chinese civilization.
于浩成（北京，法学家）Yu Haocheng （Beijing， Jurist）
张思之（北京，律师）Zhang Sizhi （Beijing， Lawyer）
茅于轼（北京，经济学家）Mao Yushi （Beijing， Economist）
杜光（北京，政治学家）Du Guang （Beijing， Political Scientist）
李普（北京，老记者）Li Pu （Beijing， Senior Journalist）
沙叶新（上海，剧作家）Sha Yexin （Shanghai， Dramatist）
流沙河（四川，诗人）Liu Shahe （Sichuan， Poet）
吴茂华（四川，作家）Wu Maohua （Sichuan， Writer）
张显扬（北京，思想家）Zhang Xianyang （Beijing， Thinker）
孙文广（山东，教授）Sun Wenguang （Shandong， Professor）
鲍彤（北京，公民）Bao Tong （Beijing， Citizen）
丁子霖（北京，教授）Ding Zilin （Beijing， Professor）
张先玲（北京，工程师）Zhang Xianling （Beijing， Engineer）
徐珏（北京，研究员）Xu Jue （Beijing， Researcher）
蒋培坤（北京，教授）Jiang Peikun （ Beijing， Professor）
刘晓波（北京，作家）Liu Xiaobo （Beijing， Writer）
张祖桦（北京，宪政学者）Zhang Zuhua （Beijing， Scholar）
高瑜（北京，记者）Gao Yu （Beijing， Journalist）
戴晴（北京，作家）Dai Qing （Beijing， Writer）
江棋生（北京，学者）Jiang Qisheng （Beijing， Scholar）
艾晓明（广东，教授）Ai Xiaoming （Guangzhou， Professor）
刘军宁（北京，政治学家）Liu Junning （Beijing， Political Scientist）
张旭昆（浙江，教授）Zhang Xukun （Zhejiang， Professor）
徐友渔（北京，哲学家）Xu Youyu （Beijing， Philosopher）
贺卫方（北京，法学家）He Weifang （ Beijing， Jurist）
莫少平（北京，律师）Mo Shaoping （Beijing， Lawyer）
陈子明（北京，学者）Chen Ziming （Beijing， Scholar）
张博树（北京，政治学家）Zhang Boshu （Beijing， Political Scientist）
崔卫平（北京，学者）Cui Weiping （Beijing， Scholar）
何光沪（宗教学专家）He Guanghu （Beijing， Religion Scholar）
郝建（北京，学者）Hao Jian （Beijing， Scholar）
沈敏骅（浙江，教授）Shen Minhua （ Zhejiang， Professor）
李大同（北京，记者）Li Datong （Beijing， Journalist）
栗宪庭（北京，艺术评论家）Su Xianting （Beijing， Art Critic）
张鸣（北京，教授）Zhang Ming （Beijing， Professor）
余杰（北京，作家）Yu Jie （Beijing， Writer）
余世存（北京，作家）Yu Shicun （Beijing， Writer）
秦耕（海南，作家）Qin Geng （Hainan， Writer）
周舵（北京，学者）Zhou Duo （Beijing， Scholar）
浦志强（北京，律师）Pu Zhiqiang （Beijing， Lawyer）
赵达功（深圳，作家）Zhao Dagong （Beijing， Writer）
姚立法（湖北，选举专家）Yao Lifa （ Hubei， Election expert）
冯正虎（上海，学者）Feng Zhenghu （Shanghai， Scholar）
周勍（北京，作家）Zhou Qing （Beijing， Writer）
杨恒均（广州，作家）Yang Hengjun （Guangzhou， Writer）
滕彪（北京，法学博士）Teng Biao （ Beijing， LLD）
蒋亶文（上海，作家）Jiang Danwen （Shanghai， Writer）
唯色（西藏，作家）Wei Se（Tibet， Writer）
马波（北京，作家）Ma Bo （ Beijing， Writer）
查建英（北京，作家）Cha Jianying （Beijing， Writer）
胡发云（湖北，作家）Hu Fayun （Hubei， Writer）
焦国标（北京，学者）Jiao Guobiao （Beijing， Scholar）
李公明（广东，教授）Li Gongming （Guangdong， Professor）
赵晖（北京，评论家）Zhao Hui （Beijing， Critic）
李柏光（北京，法学博士）Li Baiguang （Beijing， LLD）
傅国涌（浙江，作家）Fu Guoyong （Zhejiang， Writer）
马少方（广东，商人）Ma Shaofang （Guangdong， Businessman）
张闳（上海，教授）Zhang Hong （Shanghai， Professor）
夏业良（北京，经济学家）Xia Yeliang （Beijing， Economist）
冉云飞（四川，学者）Ran Yunfei （Sichuan， Scholar）
廖亦武（四川，作家）Liao Yiwu （Sichuan， Writer）
王怡（四川，学者）Wang Yi （ Sichuan， Scholar）
王晓渔（上海，学者）Wang Xiaoyu （Shanghai， Scholar）
苏元真（浙江，教授）Su Yuanzhen （Zhejiang， Professor）
强剑衷（南京，老报人）Qiang Jianzhong （Nanjing， Senior Journalist）
欧阳小戎（云南，诗人）Ouyang Xiaorong （Yunnan， Poet）
刘荻（北京，自由职业者）Liu Di （Beijing， Self-empolyed）
昝爱宗（浙江，记者）Zan Aizong （Zhejiang， Journalist）
周鸿陵（北京，社会活动家）Zhou Hongling （Beijing， Social Activist）
冯刚（浙江教授）Feng Gang （Zhejiang， Professor）
陈林（广州学者）Chen Lin （Guangzhou， Scholar）
尹贤（甘肃，诗人）Yin Xian （Gansu， Poet）
周明（浙江，教授）Zhou Ming （Zhejiang， Professor）
凌沧洲（北京，新闻人）Ling Cangzhou （Beijing， Journalist）
铁流（北京，作家）Tie Liu （Beijing， Writer）
陈奉孝（山东，北大右派学生）Chen Fengxiao （Shandong， Rightist ）
姚博（北京，评论家）Yao Bo （ Beijing， Critic）
张津郡（广东，职业经理人）Zhang Jinjun （Guangdong， Professional manager）
李剑虹（上海，作家）Li Jianhong （Shanghai， Writer）
张善光（湖南，人权捍卫者）Zhang Shanguang （Hunan， Human rights Defender）
李德铭（湖南，新闻工作者）Li Deming （Hunan， Media Worker）
刘建安（湖南，教师）Liu Jian‘an （Hunan， Teacher）
王小山（北京，媒体人）Wang Xiaoshan （Beijing， Media worker）
范亚峰（北京，法学博士）Fan Yafeng （Beijing， Scholar）
周明初（浙江，教授）Zhou Mingchu （Zhejiang， Professor）
梁晓燕（北京，环保志愿者）Liang Xiaoyan （Beijing， Enviromental Volunteer）
徐晓（北京，作家）、Xu Xiao （Beijing， Writer）
陈西（贵州，人权捍卫者）Chen Xi （Guizhou， Human rights Defender）
赵诚（山西，学者）Zhao Cheng （Shanxi， Scholar）
李元龙（贵州，自由撰稿人）Li Yuanlong （Guizhou， Freelance Writer）
申有连（贵州，人权捍卫者）Shen Youlian （Guizhou， Human rights Defender）
蒋绥敏（北京，工程师）Jiang Suimin （Beijing， Engineer）
陆中明（陕西，学者）Lu Zhongming （Shan‘xi， Scholar）
孟煌（北京，画家）Meng Huang （Beijing， Painter）
林福武（福建，人权捍卫者）Lin Fuwu （Fujian， Human rights defender）
廖双元（贵州，人权捍卫者）Liao Shuangyuan （Guizhou， Human rights defender）
卢雪松（吉林，教师）Lu Xuesong （Jilin， Teacher）
郭玉闪（北京，学者）Guo Yushan （Beijing， Scholar）
陈焕辉（福建，人权捍卫者）Chen Huanhui （Fujian， Human rights defender）
朱久虎（北京，律师）Zhu Jiuhu （Beijing， Lawyer）
金光鸿（北京，律师）Jin GuangHong （Beijing， Lawyer）
高超群（北京，编辑）Gao Chaoqun （Beijing， Editor）
柏风（吉林，诗人）Bai Feng （Jilin， Poet）
郑旭光（北京，学者）Zheng Xuguang （Beijing， Scholar）
曾金燕（北京维权人士）Zeng Jinyan （Beijing， Human rights defender）
吴玉琴（贵州，人权捍卫者）Wu Yuqin （Guizhou， Human rights defender）
杜义龙（陕西，作家）Du Yilong （Shan‘xi， Writer）
李海（北京，人权捍卫者）Li Hai （Beijing， Human rights defender）
张辉（山西，民主人士）Zhang Hui （Shanxi， Democratic Activist）
江山（广东，业主维权者）Jiangshan （Guangdong， Rights Defender）
徐国庆（贵州，民主人士）Xu Guoqing （Guizhou， Democratic Activist）
吴郁（贵州，民主人士）Wu Yu （Guizhou， Democratic Activist）
张明珍（贵州，民主人士）Zhang Mingzhen （Guizhou， Democratic Activist）
曾宁（贵州，民主人士）Zeng Ning （Guizhou， Democratic Activist）
全林志（贵州，民主人士）Quan Linzhi （Guizhou， Democratic Activist）
叶航（浙江，教授）Ye Hang （Zhejiang， Professor）
马云龙（河南，资深媒体人）Ma Yunlong（Henan， Scholar
朱健国（广东，自由撰稿人）Zhu Jianguo （Guangdong， Writer）
李铁（广东，社会活动人士）Li Tie （Guangdong， Democratic Activist）
莫建刚（贵州，自由撰稿人）Mo Jiangang （Guizhou， Freelance writer）
张耀杰（北京，学者）Zhang Yaojie （Beijing， Scholar）
吴报建（浙江，律师）Wu Baojian （Zhejiang， Lawyer）
杨光（广西，学者）Yang Guang （Guangxi， Scholar）
俞梅荪（北京，法律人）Yu Meisun （Beijing，Legal worker）
行健（北京，法律人）Xing Jian （Beijing， Legal Worker）
王光泽（北京，社会活动家）Wang Guangze （Beijing， Social Activist）
陈绍华（广东，设计师）Chen Shaohua （Guangdong， Designer）
刘逸明（湖北，自由撰稿人）Liu Yiming （Hubei， Freelance Writer）
吴祚来（北京，研究员）Wu Zuolai （Beijing， Researcher）
高兟（山东，艺术家）Gao Zhen （Shandong， Artist）
高强（山东，艺术家）Gao Qiang （Shandong， Artist）
唐荆陵（广东，律师）Tang Jingling （Guangdong， Lawyer）
黎小龙（广西，维权人士）Li Xiaolong （Guangxi， Rights Defender）
荆楚（广西，自由撰稿人）Jing Chu （Guangxi， Freelance Writer）
李彪（安徽，商人）Li Biao （Anhui， Businessman）
郭艳（广东，律师）Guo Yan （Guangdong， Lawyer）
杨世元（浙江，退休人员）Yang Shiyuan（Zhejiang， Rightist）
杨宽兴（山东，作家）Yang Kuanxing（Shandong， Writer）
李金芳（河北，民主人士）Li Jinfang（Hebei， Democratic Activist）
王玉文（贵州，诗人）Wang Yuwen（Guizhou， Poet）
杨中义（安徽，工人）Yang Zhongyi（Anhui， Worker）
武辛源（河北农民）Wu Xinyuan （Hebei， Farmer）
杜和平（贵州，民主人士）Du Heping（Guizhou， Democratic Activist）
冯玲（湖北，宪政义工）Feng Ling（Hubei， Democratic Activist）
张先忠（湖北，企业家）Zhang Xianzhong（Hubei， Entrepreneur）
蔡敬忠（广东农民） Cai Jingzhong（Guangdong， Farmer）
王典斌（湖北，企业主）Wang Dianbin（Hubei， Entrepreneur）
蔡金才（广东农民） Cai Jincai（Guangdong， Farmer）
高爱国（湖北，企业主）Gao Aiguo（Hubei， Entrepreneur）
陈湛尧（广东农民）Chen Zhanyao（Guangdong，Farmer）
何文凯（湖北，企业主）He Wenkai（Hubei， Entrepreneur）
吴党英（上海，维权人士）Wu Dangying（Shanghai， Rights Defender）
曾庆彬（广东工人）Zeng Qingbin（Guangdong，Worker）
毛海秀（上海，维权人士）Mao Haixiu（Shanghai， Rights Defender）
庄道鹤（杭州，律师）Zhuang Daohe（Hangzhou， Lawyer）
黎雄兵（北京，律师）Li Xiongbing （Beijing， Lawyer）
李任科（贵州，民主人士）Li Renke（Guizhou， Democratic Activist）
左力（河北律师）Zuo Li （Hebei， Lawyer）
董德筑（贵州，民主人士）Dong Dez（Guizhou， Democratic Activist）
陶玉平（贵州，民主人士）Tao Yuping（Guizhou， Democratic Activist）
王俊秀（北京，IT从业者）Wang Junxiu（Beijing， IT Professional）
黄晓敏（四川，维权人士）Huang Xiaomin（Sichuan， Rights Defender）
郑恩宠（上海，法律人）Zheng Enchong（Shanghai，Lawyer）
张君令（上海，维权人士）Zhang Junling（Shanghai， Rights Defender）
杨海（陕西，学者）Yang Hai（ Shan‘xi， Scholar）
艾福荣（上海，维权人士）Ai Furong（Shanghai， Rights Defender）
杨华仁（湖北，法律工作者）Yang Huaren（Hubei， Legal Worker）
魏勤（上海，维权人士）Wei Qin（Shanghai， Rights Defender）
苏祖祥（湖北，教师）Su Zuxiang（Hubei， Teacher）
沈玉莲（上海，维权人士）Shen Yulian（Shanghai， Rights Defender）
关洪山（湖北，人权捍卫者）Guan Hongshan（Hubei， Human Rights Defender）
宋先科（广东，商人）Song Xianke（Guangdong， Businessman）
汪国强（湖北，人权捍卫者）Wang Guoqiang（Hubei， Human Rights Defender）
陈恩娟（上海，维权人士）Chen Enjuan（Shanghai， Rights Defender）
李勇（北京，媒体人）Li Yong（Beijing， Media worker）
常雄发（上海，维权人士）Chang Xiongfa（Shanghai， Rights Defender）
王京龙（北京，管理学者）Wang Jinglong（Beijing， Scholar）
许正清（上海，维权人士）Xu Zhengqing（Shanghai， Rights Defender）
高军生（陕西，编辑）、Gao Junsheng（Shan‘xi， Editor）
郑蓓蓓（上海，维权人士）Zheng Beibei（Shanghai， Rights Defender）
王定华（湖北，律师）Wang Dinghua（Hubei， Lawyer）
谈兰英（上海，维权人士）Tan Lanying（Shanghai， Rights Defender）
范燕琼（福建，人权捍卫者）Fan Yanqiong（Fujian， Human Rights Defender）
林辉（浙江，诗人）Lin Hui（Zhejiang， Poet）
吴华英（福建，人权捍卫者）Wu Huaying（Fujian， Human Rights Defender）
薛振标（浙江，民主人士）Xue Zhenbiao（Zhejiang， Democratic Activist）
董国菁（上海，人权捍卫者）Dong Guoqing（Shanghai， Human Rights Defender）
陈玉峰（湖北，法律工作者）Chen Yufeng（Hubei， Legal Worker）
段若飞（上海，人权捍卫者）Duan Ruofei（Shanghai， Human Rights Defender）
王中陵（陕西，教师）Wang Zhongling（Shan‘xi， Teacher）
董春华（上海，人权捍卫者）Dong Chunhua（Shanghai， Human Rights Defender）
陈修琴（上海，人权捍卫者）Chen Xiuqin（Shanghai， Human Rights Defender）
刘正有（四川，人权捍卫者）Liu Zhengyou（Shanghai， Human Rights Defender）
马萧（北京，作家）Ma Xiao（Beijing， Writer）
万延海（北京，公共卫生专家）Wan Yanhai（Beijing， Public Health Expert）
沈佩兰（上海，维权人士）Shen Peilan（Shanghai， Rights Defender）
叶孝刚（浙江，大学退休教师）Ye Xiaogang（Zhejiang， retired Lecturer）
张劲松（安徽，工人）Zhang Jingsong（Anhui， Worker）
章锦发（浙江，退休人员）Zhang Jinfa（Zhejiang， Rightist）
王丽卿（上海，维权人士）Wang liqing（Shanghai， Rights Defender）
赵常青（陕西，作家）Zhao Changqing（ Shan‘xi， Writer）
金月花（上海，维权人士）Jin Yuehua（Shanghai， Rights Defender）
余樟法（广西，作家）Yu Zhangfa（Guangxi， Writer）
陈启勇（上海，维权人士）Chen Qiyong（Shanghai， Rights Defender）
刘贤斌（四川，民主人士）Liu Xianbin（Sichuan， Democratic Activist）
欧阳懿（四川，人权捍卫者）Ouyang Yi （Sichuan， Human Rights Defender）
邓焕武（重庆，商人）Deng Huanwu（Chongqing， Businessman）
贺伟华（湖南，民主人士）He Weihua（Hunan， Democratic Activist）
李东卓（湖南，IT从业者）Li Dongzhuo（Hunan， IT professional）
田永德（内蒙，人权捍卫者）Tian Yongde（Inner Mongolia， Human Rights Defender）
智效民（山西，学者）Zhi Xiaomin（Shanxi， Scholar）
李昌玉（山东，教师）Li Changyu（Shandong， Teacher）
郭卫东（浙江，职员）Guo Weidong（Zhejiang， Clerk）
陈卫（四川，民主人士）Chen Wei（Sichuan， Democratic Activist）
王金安（湖北，企业主）Wang Jin‘an（Hubei， Entrepreneur）
察文君（上海，维权人士）Cha Wenjun（Shanghai， Rights Defender）
侯述明（湖北，企业主）Hou Shuming（Hubei， Entrepreneur）
刘汉南（湖北，人权捍卫者）Liu Hannan（Hubei， Human Rights Defender）
史若平（山东，教授）Shi Ruoping（Shandong， Professor）
张忍祥（湖北，人权捍卫者）Zhang renxiang（Hubei， Human Rights Defender）
野渡（广东，编辑）Ye Du（Guangdong， Editor）
夏刚（湖北，人权捍卫者）Xia Gang（Hubei， Human Rights Defender）
赵国良（湖南，民主人士）Zhao Guoliang（Hunan，Democratic Activist）
李智英（北京，学者）Li Zhiying（Beijing， Scholar）
张重发（贵州，民主人士）Zhang Chongfa（Guizhou， Democratic Activist）
陈永苗（北京，学者）Chen Yongmiao（Beijing， Scholar）
江婴（天津，诗人）Jiang Ying（Tianjin， Poet）
田祖湘（贵州，民主人士）Tian Zuxiang（Guizhou， Democratic Activist）
黄志佳（湖北，公务员）Huang Zhijia（Hubei，Public Servant）
关业波（湖北，公务员）Guan Yebo（Hubei， Public Servant）
王望明（湖北，企业主）Wang Wangming（Hubei， Entrepreneur）
高新瑞（湖北，企业家）Gao Xinrui（Hubei， Entrepreneur）
宋水泉（湖北，法律工作者）Song Shuiquan（Hubei， Legal Worker）
赵景洲（黑龙江，人权捍卫者）Zhao Jingzhou（Heilongjiang， Human Rights Defender）
温克坚（浙江，学者）Wen Kejian（Zhejiang， Scholar）
魏文英（云南，教师）Wei Wenying（Yunan， Teacher）
陈惠娟（黑龙江，人权捍卫者）Chen Huijuan（Heilongjiang， Human Rights Defender）
陈炎雄（湖北，教师）Chen Yanxiong（Hubei， Teacher）
段春芳（上海，人权捍卫者）Duan Chunfang（Shanghai， Human Rights Defender）
刘正善（云南，工程师）Liu Zhengshan（Yunnan， Engineer）
关敏（湖北，大学教师）Guan Min（Hubei， Lecturer）
戴元龙（福建，企业主）Dai Yuanlong（Fujian， Entrepreneur）
余以为（广东，自由撰稿人）Yu Yiwei（Guangdong， Freelance Writer）
韩祖荣（福建，企业主） Han Zurong（Fujian， Entrepreneur）
汪定亮（湖北，律师）Wang Dingliang（ Hubei， Lawyer）
陈青林（北京，人权捍卫者）Chen Qinglin（Beijing， Human Rights Defender）
钱世顺（广东，企业主）Qian Shishun（Guangdong， Entrepreneur）
曾伯炎（四川，作家）Zeng Boyan（Sichuan， Writer）
马亚莲（上海，人权捍卫者）Ma Yalian（Shanghai， Human Rights Defender）
车宏年（山东，自由撰稿人）Che Hongnian（Shandong， Freelance Writer）
秦志刚（山东，电子工程师）Qin Zhigang（Shandong， Engineer）
宋翔峰（湖北，教师）Song Xiangfeng（Hubei， Teacher）
邓复华（湖北，作家）Deng Fuhua（Hubei， Writer）
徐康（湖北，公务员）Xu Kang（Hubei， Public servant）
李建强（山东，律师）Li Jianqiang（ Shandong， Lawyer）
李仁兵（北京，律师）Li Renbing（Beijing， Lawyer）
裘美丽（上海，维权人士）Qiu Meili（Shanghai， Rights Defender）
兰志学（北京，律师）Lan Zhixue（Beijing， Lawyer）
周锦昌（浙江，退休人员）Zhou Jinchang（Zhejiang， Rightist）
黄燕明（贵州，民主人士）Huang Yanming（Guizhou， Democratic Activist）
刘巍（北京，律师）Liu Wei（Beijing， Lawyer）
鄢烈汉（湖北，企业主）Yan Liehan（Hubei， Entrepreneur）
陈德富（贵州，民主人士）Chen Defu（Guizhou， Democratic Activist）
郭用新（湖北，医生）Guo Yongxin（Hubei， Doctor）
郭永丰（广东，中国公民监政会发起人）Guo Yongfeng（Guangdong，Rights Defender）
袁新亭（广州，编辑）Yuan Xinting（Guangzhou， Editor）
戚惠民（浙江，民主人士）Qi Huimin（Zhejiang， Democratic Activist）
李宇（四川，采编）Li Yu（Sichuan， Editor）
谢福林（湖南，人权捍卫者）Xie Fulin（Hunan， Human Rights Defender）
徐光（浙江，企业主）Xu Guang（Zhejiang， Entrepreneur）
野火（广东，自由撰稿人）Ye Huo（Guangdong， Freelance Writer）
邹巍（浙江，维权人士）Zou Wei（Zhejiang， Rights Defender）
萧利彬（浙江，工程师）Xiao Linbin（Zhejiang， Engineer）
高海兵（浙江，民主人士）Gao Haibing（Zhejiang， Democratic Activist）
田奇庄（河北，作家）Tian Qizhuang （Hebei， Writer）
邓太清（山西，民主人士）Deng Taiqing（Shanxi， Democratic Activist）
裴鸿信（河北，教师）Pei Hongxin（Hebei， Teacher）
徐民（吉林，法律工作者）Xu Min（Jilin， Legal worker）
李喜阁（河南，维权人士）Li Xige（Henan， Rights Defender）
王德邦（北京，作家）Wang Debang（Beijing， Writer）
冯秋盛（广东，农民）Feng QiuSheng（Guangdong， Farmer)
侯文豹（安徽，维权人士）Hou Wenbao（ Anhui， Rights Defender）
唐吉田（北京，律师）Tang Jitian（Beijing， Lawyer）
刘荣超（安徽，农民）Liu Rongchao（ Anhui， Farmer）
李天翔（河南，工人）Li Tianxiang（Henan，worker）
崔玉振（河北，律师）Cui Yuzhen（Hebei， Lawyer）
许茂连（安徽，农民）Xu Maolian（Anhui， Farmer）
翟林华（安徽，教师）Zhai Linhua（Anhui， Teacher）
陶晓霞（安徽，农民）Tao Xiaoxia（Anhui， Farmer）
张望（福建，工人）Zhang Wang（Fujian， Worker）
黄大川（辽宁，职员）Huang Dachuan（Liaoning， Clerk）
陈啸原（海南，职员）Chen Xiaoyuan （Hainan， Clerk）
张鉴康（陕西，法律工作者）Zhang Jiankang （ Sha‘nxi，Legal Worker）
张星水（北京，律师）Zhang Xingshui（Beijing， Lawyer）
马纲权（北京，律师）Ma Gangquan（Beijing， Lawyer）
王金祥（湖北，维权人士）Wang Jinxiang（Hubei， Rights Defender）
王家英（湖北，企业主）Wang Jiaying（Hubei， Entrepreneur）
鄢来云（湖北，企业主）Yan Laiyun （Hubei， Entrepreneur）
李小明（湖北，维权人士）Li Xiaoming（Hubei， Rights Defender）
肖水祥（湖北，维权人士）Xiao Shuixiang（Hubei， Rights Defender）
鄢裕祥（湖北，维权人士）Yan Yuxiang （Hubei， Rights Defender）
刘毅（北京，画家）Liu Yi（Beijing， Painter）
张正祥（云南，环保人士）Zhang Zhengxiang（Yunnan， Environmentalist）
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